Bangladesh's Joint Operations with Myanmar's Military
The destruction of No Man's Land Rohingya encampment.

Earlier this week, DVB published an article of mine marking the first anniversary of the joint operation by Myanmar and Bangladesh on November 14, 2022, which targeted the Rohingya encampment in No Man’s Land
The anniversary passed unnoticed. I am confident that the first anniversary of another attack on the same encampment, due on January 18, 2024, will also go unmarked. This reflects the state of media management in Bangladesh.
That second attack, claimed by the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation, not only destroyed the entire encampment but also resulted in loss of life and the displacement of over 4,500 people, forcing many into Bangladesh and others into Myanmar’s borders. Significantly, during the extensive gun battle and the ensuing conflagration, border forces from both Myanmar and Bangladesh appeared to merely observe without intervening in the events as they unfolded.

The focal point of these attacks was the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA). ARSA based itself in No Man’s Land not for its hospitability in amongst all the barbed wire, but because their presence there was sanctioned by Bangladesh. To repeat, ARSA set up their operations right under the nose of the Bangladesh authorities and with Bangladesh’s tacit guidance. But their time was up. They needed shifting because Bangladeshi politics had shifted. And that, indeed, is a story for another day.
In short, the title of my article “Bangladesh accused of legitimising Myanmar military” may capture a part of the narrative, but it barely scratches the surface of the government's involvement. This isn’t just about giving legitimacy to a neighbouring military known for its human rights abuses through “flag meetings” of border guard forces and round table discussions of mutual interest; it’s about actively participating in and facilitating actions that have resulted in significant human suffering and upheaval.
The Bangladesh government’s role in these incidents represents a stark deviation from its international stance advocating for Rohingya rights. This contradiction is not only diplomatically puzzling but morally concerning. It suggests a willingness to prioritise unseen agendas over the welfare and rights of a persecuted minority. It casts a shadow over Bangladesh's commitment to international humanitarian standards.
How can the Bangladesh government assure the international community that it will not engage in future operations that might indirectly support the actions or objectives of the Myanmar military, especially in the context of the Rohingya crisis? Frankly, it can’t. They have no intention to give any such assurances whether it is about repatriation or the politics surrounding armed groups, including the RSO, ARSA and indeed, AA. The Bangladesh government's actions reveal its strategic priorities. It is not about deviating from supporting the Rohingya but about aligning its tactics with those of Myanmar as it perceives necessary for its interests.