Dil Mohammed - From Jihad to ‘No Need to Fight’ - What’s Going On?

From Camp Warlord to Bangladesh’s Poster Boy for Repatriation?

If you’re following the Rohingya crisis from afar, the name Dil Mohammed might not ring a bell. But among those closely watching the conflict, especially inside the refugee camps in Bangladesh, he’s become a central and deeply controversial figure. In the space of just a few months, he has gone from fiery speeches about spilling blood in Arakan to a brand new video calling for unity and peace, insisting there’s “no need to fight anyone.”

It’s a transformation that begs the obvious question: What the hell is going on?

The Firebrand Speech: “We Will Take Our Country Back”

On 25 December, in Kutupalong Camp 1W in Bangladesh, Dil Mohammed made a public appearance in front of tens of thousands of Rohingya. He struck a furious tone against the Arakan Army (AA) and the local Rakhine community, whom he referred to as “Mogh,” (a term many view as derogatory). This was a rally that included groups long considered and actively labelled as criminal gangs by the Bangladeshi authorities - ARSA, RSO, ARA and Rohingya Islami Mahaz. Each speaker, including Dil Mohammed, had one basic message: We will fight, and we are ready to bleed for Arakan.

“We will take our country back, and no one needs to grant it to us; Allah Almighty will give us our country. We don’t need to obey anyone except the words of Allah,” he roared, after describing the hardships of life in the camps. He openly declared his willingness to “give my blood” for what he called his rightful homeland.

He pushed a classic line: rally the faithful, unite under a banner of jihad, and physically reclaim Arakan through force if necessary. By the end of his fiery address, there was no doubt which side of the conflict he was on. He slammed the Arakan Army and pointed to the Myanmar military as a secondary force, implying that “Mogh” are the real orchestrators of Rohingya oppression. Let me quote him so that you understand:

Today, the Kafirs and the Moghs, the enemies of our ancestors, have been oppressing us. Since the birth of our country, who has been oppressing us? It's the Moghs. Who employed the government as labourers to oppress us? It’s also the Moghs.

As you are all educated, I hope you understand this better than I do. It's true that the government oppressed us, but the root cause is the Mogh, who employed the government to do so. (See the full transcript of his speech at the bottom of this article).

He also emphasised forced unity: “We must not divide ourselves by saying, ‘He belongs to this group, and they are from that group.’” In practical terms, this has meant laying plans for strong-arming families in refugee camps to hand over at least one male family member for military training with the threat of losing rations if they refuse. It was a disturbing and brazen call that underlined just how confident Dil Mohammed had become, thanks to the endorsement of Bangladeshi intelligence agencies.

“No Need to Fight”

Fast-forward a few months. A new Facebook page, “Rohingya Committee for Peace and Repatriation,” pops up on 17 March, quickly racking up 10,000 followers. Right there, in a long recording, is Dil Mohammed again, only this time he’s practically singing a lullaby compared to his December battle cry.

At about five minutes into the video, he says:

“We don’t need to fight with anyone, and it’s not necessary.”

Let that sink in for a moment. The man who was rallying refugees to shed blood on 25 December now preaches that, actually, peaceful repatriation is the way forward.

If you think this shift in tone is suspiciously convenient, you’re not alone. It’s likely not just a personal change of heart or a sudden realisation that violence is a bit messy. Rather, it looks like a carefully choreographed move. And funnily enough, it aligns with Bangladesh’s eagerness to send Rohingya refugees back across the border.

Dhaka’s Tactical Reboot in Rakhine?

Bangladesh has made no secret of the fact that it wants to continue its long-time policy of sending Rohingya back - whether the return is sustainable or not. There have been acknowledgements from Dhaka that they have engaged in talks with the Arakan Army who are now widely seen as the de facto power in much of Rakhine State.

For months now, groups under Dil Mohammed’s umbrella—ARSA, RSO etc, the so-called “Four Brothers Alliance” - have been recruiting, presumably to fight on the Myanmar military’s side against the AA. This was a straightforward proposition for Dhaka: Keep the Arakan Army distracted and tied up. But the situation on the ground appears to be changing. If Bangladesh is in direct conversation with the Arakan Army about repatriation, and if the Arakan Army is now the gatekeeper to Rakhine, it might no longer be in Dhaka’s interest to keep using proxy forces to create a headache for the AA.

So here comes Dil Mohammed again. Only this time he is not demanding Rohingya families sacrifice a son for “jihad” but urging them to keep calm and accept a nonviolent path to returning. One moment he’s ready to die for the cause; the next, he’s telling folks, Hey, no need for bloodshed.

What Scenarios Are in Play?

1. The Soft-Persuasion Repatriation
   Bangladesh is pressing hard to show “progress” on repatriation. With the Arakan Army effectively in control of much of Rakhine State, Dhaka can’t ignore their influence. If an arrangement suits all parties, especially if the Myanmar military steps back from the region for its own strategic reasons or, more likely, comes to some kind of accommodation with the AA, Rohingya might be coaxed or coerced, into going back. In this scenario, Dil Mohammed’s new peace rhetoric is a sales pitch to get refugees to buy into the idea that it’s safe to return, even if it might not be.

2. A Tactical Pause in Violence
   The shift to “peace” could be just a ploy to bide time. If the recruitment drive has already served its purpose - bolstering the ranks of armed Rohingya factions - there may be less need for open chest-thumping. With those newly formed units off in Myanmar (or prepared to go), Dil Mohammed is free to pitch a softer line in order to win over Rohingya in the camps. If tomorrow the calculus changes again, will we see another fierce call to arms?

3. Splintering Loyalties
   Dil Mohammed’s dramatic shift might not only be about Bangladesh’s policy aims. It could also signal internal fractures among Rohingya armed factions. If some of these groups see the writing on the wall - that an open war with the AA is going nowhere - they might welcome a shift in messaging to reduce internal opposition among the refugees, who are tired of intimidation and forced conscription. And all happily aligning with Bangladesh.

4. Bangladesh’s “Poster Boy” for Repatriation
   The man once known as a Myanmar military informant (Thabbey), deeply involved in extortion, smuggling, and forced recruitment, has now rebranded himself as a public “activist” for repatriation. On the surface, it’s a bizarre twist - but it starts to make sense when you consider the politics behind it. Dhaka may well be using him as a now familiar, if controversial, face to push the repatriation agenda. He speaks the language of the camps, commands fear, and has long-standing networks across both sides of the border. For a refugee population worn down by years of uncertainty but terrified of what lies ahead in Rakhine, Dil Mohammed may be the messenger the authorities believe can soften resistance - not because he's trusted, but because he’s already embedded. He is already an enforcer.

On top of all this, Dil Mohammed is also playing the role of the benevolent statesman, dishing out praise to local and overseas Rohingya leaders as if he’s hosting an awards show. He says, “To our Rohingya brothers and prominent figures both locally and abroad, we extend our heartfelt gratitude. You have worked tirelessly for us without rest, even sacrificing meals while working for our cause.” Of course, it’s all carefully scripted. He wants to show he’s everyone’s champion, both for those in the camps and those in cushy diaspora contexts. By piling on the thanks and prayers, he’s hoping to lock in goodwill and present himself as a unifier.

None of this reinvention would be possible, of course, without the quiet nod from the Bangladeshi authorities. They have clearly decided he’s now useful as a respectable frontman. For the Rohingya themselves, caught in a nightmare of forced displacement and precarious camps, there’s little reason to trust any process. The real story is playing out far from the cameras, in closed-door deals between Bangladesh, the Arakan Army, and whoever else stands to gain from “solving” the Rohingya issue - on their own terms.

A Convenient Arrest?

And then there’s the sudden arrest of Ataullah Abu Ammar Jununi, the ARSA chief, on 17 March. A man who, for years, slipped in and out of Bangladesh with ease. A man who reportedly lived in a flat in Narayanganj arranged by someone in the Bangladesh army. A man whose fighters were part of the very same Four Brothers Alliance that Bangladesh tolerated - if not quietly encouraged - because it suited their aims at the time.

So why now?

It’s tempting to say the arrest is about justice. After all, ARSA has been implicated in extortion, killings, and the murder of Mohibullah, and turned parts of the camps into no-go zones. But I really don’t think this is some overdue moral reckoning. If Dhaka wanted to bring Mohibullah’s killers to book, they had ample opportunity. And chose not to.

More likely, Ataullah’s arrest is geopolitical. With the Arakan Army now holding most of Rakhine, and Bangladesh openly acknowledging talks with them, ARSA has become a liability. ARSA supporters are of the belief the AA demanded his arrest as part of the negotiations. He was an obstacle to whatever repatriation deal Dhaka is trying to cobble together. At least, this is what they tell me. In that equation, Ataullah is no longer useful - he’s a problem. And in the world of proxy politics, when you're no longer useful, you're dispensable.

So now, Dil Mohammed, the Myanmar military informant, gets a stage and a microphone, while Ataullah ( who some say is creation of that same military) gets a prison cell. One is recast as a peacemaker; the other is quietly removed from the scene. The message is clear: the narrative is shifting, and the state is choosing its favourites. Peace, it seems, will be brokered by those who can follow the script.

---

Please note: The Facebook page has finally confirmed the spelling he uses for his name. Confusingly, it is the same spelling as the Dil Mohammed of No Man’s Land Rohingya encampment. I saw one mention of his name where the spelling was Dil Muhammad. However, now I am back to using Dil Mohammed.

Follow this link to read more about Dil Mohammed

Below is the full text of Dil Mohammed’s speech delivered on 25 December