The other day, I noticed a comment on a Substack post of mine by “The Myanmar Review.” It said that “It should be said more. The Myanmar Review wrote about this a few days ago.” The comment did not quite make sense. What “should be said more?” Anyway, I visited the publication page, and I was taken aback. I quickly scanned some articles and my disappointment was immediate.
Here is a quick take about the publication. Launched 5 September 2026, it had 23 posts and roughly 40,000 words by 19 September. Prolific? Yes. Yet, it has no named editor, no contributor names, no contact address, no location.
It had 45 subscribers. Now, after my post on X, it has about 60! Everything is bylined “The Myanmar Review.” One post, on the American Chamber of Commerce, is co-bylined with a second anonymous Substack, The Burma Road, launched the same month, also nameless, also posting at machine pace, and the two restack each other.
As I wrote in another post on X, the publication
“has demanded the removal of Kyaw Moe Tun from Myanmar’s UN seat, argued that it is time to engage the military, attacked sanctions and overseas resistance, and blamed international Rohingya advocacy for becoming too closely connected to opposition to the military. Its article on Kyaw Moe Tun implicitly treats the institutions controlled by the junta as the state institutions entitled to representation. The archive is remarkably consistent in this direction, despite the publication claiming that it “does not support one side against another.”
All these themes track the brief that Myanmar’s Ministry of Information is paying DCI Group $3 million a year to advance in Washington, with Roger Stone on the account since February 2026.
What is verifiable about Stone and Myanmar
Spoiler Alert: There is no evidence that Roger Stone is behind The Myanmar Review. But the question in the title of this piece is not silly. The publication’s editorial line matches exactly the brief Roger Stone is paid to advance for Myanmar’s regime.
Myanmar’s Ministry of Information signed a $3 million annual contract with the Washington firm DCI Group on 31 July of last year. Yep, that is the same day the military nominally handed power to a “civilian” interim administration. The scope of the contract?
“public affairs services… with respect to rebuilding relations between the Republic of the Union of Myanmar and the United States, with a focus on trade, natural resources, and humanitarian relief.”
Stone was added to that account as a consultant at $50,000 a month.
So how do we know all this? Well, under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), the 1938 law requiring agents of foreign governments to disclose their work, the firm must report who is paying it and where the money goes. DCI’s latest filing for the six months ending March 31, 2026, shows the paper trail of Washington operatives cashing in on Myanmar’s junta.
For our purposes, DCI’s six-month FARA supplemental statement for the period ending 31 March 2026 doesn’t shed any light on this new Substack. We learn that Roger Stone officially took over the Myanmar account on February 27, 2026, teaming up with DCI director Adam Shaw and vice president Kelly Love, who were already on the clock as of December 1, 2025.
The payoff from Myanmar’s Ministry of Information was fast and obscene - $1.5 million in just six months.
According to the filing, DCI funnelled routine monthly retainers of between $40,000 and $80,000 to Davenport Ventures, a firm run by DCI senior advisor Doug Davenport. Then, on March 31, DCI cut a separate $50,000 check to Drake Ventures LLC, a corporate shell controlled by Stone himself. So it is all in the family!
DCI's filing for the period ending 31 March 2026 discloses no informational materials at all for Myanmar. A Substack launched in September 2026 would fall in the period ending 30 September, whose supplemental statement is due around November–December 2026. If DCI or Stone is producing this, FARA requires it to be disclosed there.
People have written about the influence so far - but this Substack is new. James Shwe’s account (published March, 2026) of this same influence push named Forbes, The Hill, The Washington Times and Modern Diplomacy as the placement venues and DCI, Dickens & Madson and the McKeon Group as the firms responsible. It named no Substack and did not mention Stone. The Diplomat's anatomy (published June 2026) mentions the Myanmar Narrative Think Tank, CNI Myanmar and pay-to-publish networks. But again, no Substack. The month of September has brought us Substack.
That was where things stood when I began writing this last night. Then, just this morning, The Myanmar Review published something more revealing still. I need to interrupt the rest of this piece because the publication is no longer merely echoing themes that suit the junta. It is now offering Naypyidaw a practical public-affairs strategy for wooing Washington and securing relief from sanctions. Here is the checklist it suggests for Myanmar.
1. Invite Israel’s Head of Mission to Naypyidaw for a Jewish holiday.
Restore Yangon’s Musmeah Yeshua synagogue, preferably with money from Jewish-American philanthropists or Israel’s MASHAV programme.
Then give US military recovery teams unrestricted access to search for the remains of the 632 Americans still missing from the Second World War.
And Myanmar is advised to move quickly. This “transactional approach to sanctions relief”, the authors warn, reflects the instincts of the present administration and may not survive the next president.The piece explains its logic. Syria’s leader, it notes approvingly, “offered to build a Trump Tower in Damascus, ease hostilities with Israel, and give the US access to Syria’s oil and gas… as a single package that worked.”
So the junta needs to engage in flattery, provide a suitable gesture to Israel, resource access and all to be done at speed. How can this be called analysis of Myanmar? It is a public affairs strategy, and the two constituencies it targets, Jewish-American donors and the bipartisan POW/MIA lobby, were chosen for their clout in Washington!
If it walks like a duck and quacks like a duck…..
In conclusion, I cannot tell you that the Myanmar Reivew Substack is part of that work being paid for by Myanmar. What I can tell you is that a disclosure covering this month is due in the autumn. Until then, I have one question for The Myanmar Review, and it requires no investigation to answer. Who are the diverse contributors? Name one.